Reclaiming the role of the old priestess: Ritual agency and the post -menopausal body in ancient Greece
Gentile, Kristen Marie. The Ohio State University, ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 2009. 3375833.
These post-menopausal priestesses were
exceptional within the Greek sacrificial system as they are the only known example of
female cult agents who slaughtered the sacrificial animal. I address the issues of why
these women could sacrifice and why they were involved in the Chthonia specifically. I
argue that these post-menopausal women were accepted as slaughterers because they
were no longer viewed as a threat to the male patrilineal system. In addition, the female
focus of the Chthonia as a mystery cult in honor of Demeter prompted the choice of postmenopausal
priestesses.In many of the recent studies of women in ancient Greece, the primary focus has
been on the adolescent, the parthenos, and the mother and wife, the gynê. These two age
groups have a considerable amount of ancient evidence that describes them, especially in
relation to their ritual activities.
the older woman is the graus
\p 4 Joan Breton Connelly draws attention to the similarity between the activities performed
by women in the home and those done in the temple.11
Women weave, bake, and clean
both as part of their household responsibilities and as their duties in the temple.
p 6 like priestess like goddess, changing roles for women reflected in different deities, identification
Specifically, she sees an intimate relationship
between the priestess and goddess, one akin to impersonation
p 57 The necessary characteristics and qualifications of a female to become a priestess varied according to local cult traditions. I consider two of these characteristics in this chapter—age and sexual status—because of their bearing on a woman‟s ability to attain ritual purity. The acquisition and maintenance of ritual purity was important for all individuals who were engaged in sacred practices. Ritual purity highlights the boundaries between sacred and profane times, spaces, and events
p 57 Pollution resulted from a variety of natural life events, including birth
and death, with which women were intimately connected. Additionally, pollution was
associated with sexual intercourse, and so short periods of chastity or complete sexual
abstinence were at times demanded for the sake of ritual purity.
p60 According to ancient gynecological conceptions, post-menopausal women were
able to regain a sense of virginity, and with their “renewed virginity,” post-menopausal
women achieved the same level of ritual purity as young women who were still physical
virgins.
p 63 Ancient Greek cults more commonly assured ritual purity through physical
virginity by restricting the length of service until a female entered puberty or married.
Some cults did not make the requirement for physical virginity explicit. Virginity was
simply assumed because of the young age of the females who served, as was the case
with the arrhêphoroi in Athens, who were typically between seven and eleven years old.7
Other cults specifically required that a parthenos serve as the priestess until the time of
her marriage. For example, both the priestesses of Poseidon at Kalaurea and Artemis at
Aegeira in Achaea were described as parthenoi (Paus. 2.33.2; 7.26.5). Pausanias
identifies each as a priesthood in which a parthenos served until she reached an age when
it was appropriate for her to marry. The practice of limiting the required time for
physical virginity reflects the social status and value of the parthenos.
p 66 While there is evidence of many priestly offices to which married women in their
sexual prime were appointed, there is scarcely any mention of requirements for prolonged
sexual abstinence. One of the most notable examples of such a priesthood is the priestess
of Athena Polias in Athens.12
Evidence shows that she was involved in numerous
festivals, including the Chalkeia, Plynteria, Kallynteria, Skira, and the Eleusinian
Mysteries. There are no known regulations about any periods of chastity surrounding her
religious duties; however, there are extant regulations against the consumption of Attic
cheese and the sacrificing of ewe-lambs. Abstinence, however, is associated with the
celebrations of the Thesmophoria. Both the women who attended the festival and the
officials had requirements of chastity.13
Notably, the women who served as the antletriai
at the Thesmophoria in Athens had to remain chaste for three days prior to the festival as
well as during the festival itself.
p 76 As both medical and popular evidence show, virginity in antiquity was understood
to be as much a social condition as a physiological one. These gynecological ideas have
important religious implications, especially regarding ritual purity. Through renewed
virginity, celibate post-menopausal women were equivalent to young physical virgins in
terms of their level of ritual purity. With their renewed virginity, old women were
excellent candidates for priesthoods, which required both an extended length of service
and a high degree of ritual purity. This conception of renewed virginity is further
supported in the mythology of the goddess Hera. Pausanias reports an Argive tradition in
which Hera renews her virginity annually.
p 80 Diodorus It is said that in ancient times parthenoi delivered the oracles on account of their
uncorrupted nature and their similarity to Artemis. Thus, it was fitting for these
females to protect the secrets of prophesying. But at an earlier time, Echecrates
the Thessalian visited the oracle and saw the prophesying parthenos. He desired
her on account of her beauty, and so he stole her away and ravaged her. On
account of this terrible incident, the Delphians determined that in the future a
parthenos would no longer deliver oracles, but a woman, older than fifty years,
would prophesy. And she would dress in the attire of a parthenos, as a
remembrance of the earlier priestess.
regarding the oracle at Delphi
p 98 the evolutionary theory of sacrifice- communion with gods
the functionalist theory- Evans Pritchard
p 99 Walter Burkert‟s Homo Necans: The Anthropology of Ancient Greek Sacrificial
Ritual and Myth and René Girard‟s Violence and the Sacred propose theories of sacrifice
that radically altered the theoretical landscape that is communal murder, ( Freud) and guilt
p101 The “Paris School” rejects the
comparison of Greek sacrificial ritual and hunting rites; it insists that Greek sacrifice
must be studied in the context of the Greek religious system
p103 Once the sacrificial victim was chosen, both the animal and the human
participants prepared themselves for the sacrifice. The animal was typically adorned with
ribbons, garlands, or even gold.22
Not only were the animals beautified, but also the
people involved often wore special attire, such as white clothing or wreaths. These initial
physical preparations made them ready to perform the preliminary sacrificial rites. The
sacrifice began with a procession, which marked off ordinary from sacred space and
private from public space.23
Different members of society played distinct roles in the
procession and eventually the sacrifice itself. Men led the sacrificial victim, while
parthenoi acted as the carriers of sacrificial objects; for instance, as hydrophoroi and
kanêphoroi, they carried the water for the sacrifice and the basket in which the sacrificial
knife was hidden among the barley groats.24
Flute players and other musicians
accompanied the procession, while a crowd of people, often of mixed genders and ages,
followed.
there was prayer and Great care was taken so that the sacrificial
blood fell only was it was supposed to go. “At this very emotional moment the pipes
stayed silent,” and the female participants shouted the ololygê.
30
The ololygê as a ritual
cry was not unique to sacrificial ritual; it was also associated with rituals surrounding
while women seem to be excuded from acrifice and even eating ghe meat
the two documented instances of women wielding the sacrificial knife: the Ruvo amphora
in the Naples museum and the evidence concerning the Chthonia in Hermione.38
Both
are explained as exceptional instances of cult practice to Dionysius and Demeter,
respectively.39
p 109 The ritual system of Hermione exemplifies the issues concerning the role of
women in the Greek sacrificial system. The festival of the Chthonia in Hermione
involved four post-menopausal women acting as priestesses, sacrificers, and slaughterers.
p 117 Four old women, who remain inside, are the ones who put an end to the cow. For
whoever has the opportunity, cuts the throat of the cow with a sickle. Afterwards
the doors are opened and those responsible for the task drive in the second cow,
and then the third, and after that one the final fourth one. The old women put an
end to all the cows in the same way, and there exists another marvel during the
sacrifice: on whatever side the first cow falls, it is necessary for all of them to fall.
The ritual activities of the priestesses took place inside of the temple, not at an altar in
front of the temple. Because the sacrifice occurred inside the temple, it was secret and
unobserved by the throng of processional participants, unlike a typical sacrifice that was
observed. The physical act of slaughter also did not follow the normal process in which
the blood must flow onto the altar. Gunnel Ekroth has suggested that only a small
amount of blood was sprinkled on the altar during a typical animal sacrifice.71
The
infrequent depictions of the actual moment of slaughter and the small size of the
bloodstains shown on representations of altars support her arguments on the relative
insignificance of the spilling of the blood. The Chthonia, on the contrary, seems to
emphasize blood. Blood must have drenched the floor of the temple since four cows
were being killed in a confined space.
p128 ; agnates are instead people
who sacrifice together—who know they are agnates because they sacrifice together.”
p130 Male anxiety over paternity, and in effect
their future heirs, fueled their fear of childbirth and, subsequently, childbearing women.
Therefore, social and ritual paternity through sacrifice, rather than biological paternity,
became a more secure method for male Greeks to establish their heirs. Patrilineality and
the accompanying opposition between childbirth and sacrifice consequently developed
together in the Greek social system.
p136
The most renowned mystery cult in antiquity, in terms of both Demeter and the
entire Greek religious system, was at Eleusis in Attica. I
Paula Perlman has suggested that the Hermionians were actively trying
“to establish the Chthonia as a local counterpart to the far more famous Mysteries at
Eleusis.”127 These efforts can be seen in the appointment of the theorodokoi, in the
local variations of mythology, and in the specifics of the festival. The interpretation of
the Chthonia as a mystery cult provides the most likely explanation for the appointment
of post-menopausal women as priestesses, but first it is necessary to explore the Chthonia
as a mystery cult, akin to the Eleusinian Mysteries.
p 138 Scholars who favor this interpretation of the Chthonia as a mystery cult argue that
the eight lists of nearly five hundred names are initiates to the mysteries of the Chthonia
(IG IV 728, 730-735; SEG XI 382). These lists date to the fourth century to third century
BCE and preserve both male and female initiates, just like the lists from the Eleusinian
Mysteries.128
Alternatively, Pirenne-Delforge denies that these lists contain the names of
initiates or that mysteries even existed in Hermione.129
She argues that the silence of
Pausanias concerning any initiatory mysteries is proof of their non-existence. PirenneDelforge
connects the secret rites at the periboloi to agrarian rituals like the
Thesmophoria, which supports her overall interpretation of the festival as the result of a
famine and celebration of harvest.
A mention of Demeter Chthonia in one of the so-called “Orphic” gold tablets also
associates her with the tangled web of mystery cult figures and language.gold tablet dates to the late fourth or early third century BCE and was found near Pherai
in Thessaly.1send me to the feasts of the initiates; I have the rites and the rituals of
Demeter Chthonia and of the Mountain Mother.”132
The purpose of the gold tablet was to
guide the initiate in the underworld towards a better afterlife. This gold tablet connects
Demeter Chthonia to the intricate eschatological system that is associated with these
tablets and various mystery cults. While it does not specifically prescribe a set of
eschatological beliefs to the worship of Demeter Chthonia in Hermione, it does suggest
that Demeter Chthonia is connected to this tradition.1
p 140 Plouton‟s role in the Hermionian religious system was much more pronounced.
The Hermionians worshipped the god of the underworld in numerous forms to such an
extent that they appeared to have a preoccupation with what is beneath the ground. The
Hermionians, in fact, contended that they possessed a direct passage to the underworld
and, therefore, had a special connection to the deities of the dead. They believed that
their privileged connection freed them from the obligation of putting money in the
mouths of the dead to pay for passage to the underworld (Str. 8.6.12). Their
preoccupation with the underworld extended to their ritual system.
Pausanias identifies
three sacred precincts associated with the underworld.
Behind the temple of Chthonia, there are places that the Hermionians call the one
of Klymenos, the one of Plouton, and the third of these, the Acherusian Lake. All
are surrounded by stone fences, and in the one of Klymenos there is a chasm in
the earth. Herakles led the Hound of Hell [Cerberus] up through this chasm,
according to the stories of the Hermionians
p141 The Hermionians believed that the sibling pair, Klymenos and
Chthonia, founded the temple, while the Argive tradition retains the mythic pattern in
which punishment ensues after a god is denied hospitality. The Argive version centers on
Chthonia, who disapproved of her father‟s failure to offer hospitality to Demeter.
Consequently, Chthonia was saved from her father‟s punishment of being burned alive
and was carried away to Hermione, where she set up a sanctuary to Demeter in praise and
p144 two additional priesthoods, which were filled by post-menopausal
women: the Sixteen Women of Elis and the fourteen Gerarai of Athens. Both are
examples of collective priesthoods, in that multiple individuals served at one time.the
administrative and ritual duties of the college, namely the weaving of Hera‟s peplos,
arrangement of choruses, and organization of the Heraia. These responsibilities are both
explicitly and implicitly connected to the institution of marriage. It is the association of
the Sixteen Women with marriage, in particular their interactions with the parthenoi who
participated in the Heraia that necessitated their post-menopausal identity.
p149 The ritual roles of the Sixteen Women can be divided into three parts: they wove
a peplos for Hera, arranged choruses, and organized the Heraia. The first of these roles,
the weaving of the peplos, was performed every fourth year, probably in conjunction with
the Heraia (Paus. 5.16.2; 6.24.10).
p164 In conclusion, the stereotype of the old woman as wise, demonstrated in the
ancient figure of the nurse, the constructs of intergenerational cultural transmission, and
the fairy godmother, explains the choice of post-menopausal women for the college of the
Sixteen Women. Because of their ritual role in guiding and counseling the parthenoi, the
Sixteen Women needed to be of advanced age so that they would have already
experienced the life events of marriage and motherhood.
p 168The feminine forms of these adjectives, γεξαξά, γεξαηξά, and γεξαηά, were
primarily associated with cultic functions. Whether in the case of the Gerarai of Athens
or other priestesses, these adjectives became synonymous with cult titles. In fact, even in
their usage in the Homeric scene described above, the women are performing ritual
activities, although they are not specifically priestesses. In addition to the association of
this cult title with these priestesses of Dionysus in Athens, other priesthoods had similar
cult titles.
p 169 these women
required the high level of ritual purity that could be attained by post-menopausal woman
through renewed virginity. Their need for ritual purity is explicitly expressed in the
ancient evidence. Moreover, because of their presumed role as assistants to the basilinna
during the Anthesteria, specifically in regard to the hieros gamos, “the sacred marriage,”
the Gerarai needed to possess the requisite knowledge and experience of marriage to
guide her through this ritualized marital process.
p171 In the speech of ps.-Demosthenes, a sacred herald is called as a
witness, and he repeats in court the oath, or more likely a part of it, that the Gerarai
recited (D. 59.78). The oath emphasizes the physical purity of the priestesses; “I live
purely and I am unpolluted and pure from others who are polluted and from intercourse
with a husband,” ἁγηζηεύσ θαὶ εἰκὶ θαζαξὰ θαὶ ἁγλὴ ἀπό ηε ηῶλ ἄιισλ ηῶλ νὐ
θαζαξεπόλησλ θαὶ ἀπ‟ ἀλδξὸο ζπλνπζίαο (D. 59.78). Much of the vocabulary in this
oath is familiar from previous discussions of ritual purity, such as that concerning the
Pythia, and points to the Gerarai as being a celibate post-menopausal women. In the
oath of the Gerarai, two forms of ἁγλόο and θαζαξόο, one adjectival and one verbal, are
used. The chiasmatic word order of this “purity” vocabulary further emphasizes the
necessity for the ritual purity of the Gerarai and the importance of the oath in
proclaiming so.
p175 It is clear from the sources that the Gerarai were priestesses of Dionysus
p 179 The events of the Anthesteria have been analyzed by a number of eminent
scholars.86
While much debate exists concerning the details, there is consensus about the
basics of the festival. The Anthesteria occurred on the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth
days of the month of Anthesterion. Each day had its own name: Pithoigia, “Jaropening,”
Choes, “Wine-jugs,” and Chytrai, “Pots,” chronologically. One of the main
issues on which scholars have agreed when attempting to summarize or make
generalizations about the Anthesteria, is the diverse nature of the ritual activities that
were a part of the festival. Generally, the Anthesteria is seen as being concerned with
two distinct themes, wine and the world of the dead.87
I do not provide a detailed account
of the Anthesteria, as other scholars have already presented such descriptions, and,
ultimately, most of the details are not pertinent to the involvement of the Gerarai.
Instead, I focus on those aspects in which the Gerarai were assumed to participate,
specifically the secret rituals at the sanctuary of Dionysus in the Marshes and the hieros
games between the basilinna and Dionysus.
p 180scholars have made assumptions and attempted to reconstruct the events of
this festival that took place inside the sanctuary from iconographic evidence, especially a
group of vases known as the Lenaia vases. These vases depict women drawing wine,
drinking, and dancing around a masked idol of Dionysus. They are distinctive in that the
women do not seem to have a frenzied or bacchic character, but instead are elegant and
subdued as would be expected of priestesses with the venerable quality inherent in the
cult title the Gerarai.
88
While it is not impossible that these vases depict the ritual
activities of the Gerarai, it would be unusual for rites acknowledged as secret to be
displayed so vividly and publicly.
p181it seems more likely that actual sexual
intercourse occurred, which necessitated a living representation of the god.92
Suggested
mortals include the priest of Dionysus and the archon basileus himself. However,
because of the emphasis on the uncorrupt and married nature of the basilinna, the archon
basileus is most plausible, although he may have worn a mask during the act. Ultimately,
the reenacted sacred marriage was the sexual union between legitimate husband and wife.
p182 4 The Old Priestess as “Othermother” and Guide
The stereotype of the wise old woman and her ability to pass on important cultural
traditions prompted the choice of post-menopausal women for the collective priesthoods
of the Sixteen Women of Elis and the Gerarai of Athens. In each of these priesthoods,
marriage played an integral role in their ritual responsibilities. For the Sixteen Women,
their role, most notably in the Heraia, placed them in a position to counsel and guide the
younger generation as they moved to the next stage of womanhood. Old women were
seen as reservoirs of wisdom and cultural knowledge and, thusly, are in a privileged
position to act as “othermother” to the parthenoi of Elis. The Gerarai served in many
ways as a foil to the Sixteen Women because they had a similar role, albeit they fulfilled
it symbolically. Because the bride in the hieros gamos during the Anthesteria was not a
parthenos but a gynê, there was not the same need for counsel. However, the hieros
gamos emphasized the connections to actual wedding ritual, and so the Gerarai as postmenopausal
women still had wisdom and knowledge to share. The Sixteen Women of
Elis and the Gerarai of Athens were both priesthoods that emphasized old women as
wise and knowledgeable as the relevant social aspect of their post-menopausal identity.
p183 In turn, consider the matters of the gods.
I think these things are the essential ones.
We as women have the greatest part in them.
For women prophesy the insight of Loxias at the
oracles of Phoebus. Concerning the hallowed site of
Dodona, beside the sacred oak tree, the female sex
reveals the insights of Zeus to those from Greece
who desire them. Regarding the rituals for the Fates
and the Unnamed Goddesses [the Furies], they would
not be considered holy under the control of men, but
in the power of women, they all thrive. For this reason,
women rightly have a share in the matters of the gods.
As this often quoted fragment from Euripides‟ tragedy, Captive Melanippe,
illustrates, the importance of women as priestesses in Greek religion was recognized in
antiquity. T
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